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The Sunday Times Bestseller A new assessment of the West's colonial record In the wake of the dissolution of the Soviet empire in 1989, many believed that we had arrived at the 'End of History' - that the global dominance of liberal democracy had been secured forever.Now however, with Russia rattling its sabre on the borders of Europe and China rising to challenge the post-1945 world order, the liberal West faces major threats. These threats are not only external. Especially in the Anglosphere, the 'decolonisation' movement corrodes the West's self-confidence by retelling the history of European and American colonial dominance as a litany of racism, exploitation, and massively murderous violence. Nigel Biggar tests this indictment, addressing the crucial questions in eight chapters: Was the British Empire driven primarily by greed and the lust to dominate? Should we speak of 'colonialism and slavery' in the same breath, as if they were identical? Was the Empire essentially racist? How

The age of Western hegemony is over. Whether or not America itself declines or thrives under President Trump's leadership, the post-war liberal international order underpinned by US military, economic

The age of Western hegemony is over. Whether or not America itself declines or thrives under President Trump's leadership, the post-war liberal international order underpinned by US military, economic

From the end of the nineteenth century through the first decades of the twentieth, the United States experienced unprecedented structural change. Advances in communication and manufacturing technology

As the world economy emerges from the financial crisis, critics are announcing an end of the American era. The United States is said to be in an inexorable decline, and the expectation for the 21st ce

Since their first publication, the four volumes of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations have served as the definitive source for the topic, from the colonial period to the Cold War. This third volume of the updated edition describes how the United States became a global power - economically, culturally and militarily - during the period from 1913 to 1945, from the inception of Woodrow Wilson's presidency to the end of the Second World War. The author also discusses global transformations, from the period of the First World War through the 1920s when efforts were made to restore the world economy and to establish a new international order, followed by the disastrous years of depression and war during the 1930s, to the end of the Second World War. Throughout the book, themes of Americanisation of the world and the transformation of the United States provide the background for understanding the emergence of a trans-national world in the second half of the twentieth century.

A visionary examination of the deteriorating ability of the U.S. and other global powers to shape the world in their image, and the end of the world order they sought, from the president of the Counci

A visionary examination of the deteriorating ability of the U.S. and other global powers to shape the world in their image, and the end of the world order they sought, from the president of the Counci

A bold new interpretation of the First World War and the birth of the American CenturyIn the depths of the Great War, with millions dead and no end to the conflict in sight, societies around the world

American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission, first published in 1991, makes an original contribution to a subject of great interest to specialists and students of international relations and international political economy - the extent and nature of America as an international power and a hegemonic state up until the end of the 1980s. In examining the role of the USA in the post-war world order, Stephen Gill challenges arguments concerning the relative decline of American hegemony. He maintains that instead of equating hegemony with the dominance of one state over other states, one should redefine the question of hegemony in terms of the relationship between economic, military, cultural and political forces. Gill also develops a concept of transnational hegemony - the rise in the power of internationally mobile capital.

In this 1994 book Bradley Klein draws upon debates in international relations theory to raise important questions about the nature of strategic studies. He argues that post-modern critiques of realism and neorealism open up opportunities for new ways of thinking about nuclear deterrence. In clear and uncluttered language, he explores the links between modernity, state-building and strategic violence, and argues that American foreign policy, and NATO, undertook a set of dynamic political practices intended to make and remake world order in the image of Western identity. Klein warns against too facile a celebration of the end of the Cold War, concluding that it is even more imperative today to appreciate the scope and power of the Western strategic project. The book will be of interest to students of international relations theory, strategic studies, peace studies, and US foreign policy.

Based on extensive archival research, this book provides a new and stimulating history of International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline. Contrary to traditional accounts, it argues that IR was not invented by Anglo-American men after the First World War. Nor was it divided into neat theoretical camps. To appreciate the twists and turns of early IR scholarship, the book follows a diverse group of men and women from across Europe and beyond who pioneered the field since 1914. Like architects, they built a set of institutions (university departments, journals, libraries, etc.) but they also designed plans for a new world order (draft treaties, petitions, political commentary, etc.). To achieve these goals, they interacted closely with the League of Nations and its bodies for intellectual cooperation, until the Second World War put an end to their endeavour. Their story raises broader questions about the status of IR well beyond the inter-war period.

西方霸權的時代已經結束，以美國軍事、經濟和意識形態優勢為根基並且獲得服務於美國權力和宗旨的全球機構支持的戰後自由主義世界秩序正在走向終結。但是，取而代之的會是什麼呢？中國的世界秩序？美國霸權的重構形式？包括主要大國和新興大國在內的地區化的全球合作體系？在這本書中，阿米塔·阿查亞單刀直入地回答了上述問題。他指出，儘管美國仍將是世界事務中的主要力量，它卻已經失去了按照其自身利益和形象塑造世界秩序的能力

Scientific Cosmology and International Orders shows how scientific ideas have transformed international politics since 1550. Allan argues that cosmological concepts arising from Western science made possible the shift from a sixteenth-century order premised upon divine providence to the present order centred on economic growth. As states and other international associations used scientific ideas to solve problems, they slowly reconfigured ideas about how the world works, humanity's place in the universe, and the meaning of progress. The book demonstrates the rise of scientific ideas across three cases: natural philosophy in balance of power politics, 1550–1815; geology and Darwinism in British colonial policy and international colonial orders, 1860–1950; and cybernetic-systems thinking and economics in the World Bank and American liberal order, 1945–2015. Together, the cases trace the emergence of economic growth as a central end of states from its origins in colonial doctrines of deve

Meet the largest birds in the world! Introduce elementary kids to pink flamingos and their lives in the wild in this North American Spanish translation. With their long legs, flamingos can easy wade through shallow soda lakes to scoop up fish. These large wading birds need a running start in order take flight. Readers explore this bird's behaviors, and habitats, features, including why its feathers are pink, with STEM-appropriate text and gorgeous photography. An end folk tale from South America shares why flamingos like salty water. A great nonfiction resource for Spanish-language learning and bilingual readers. Includes table of contents, index, same-page definitions, and further resources.

Scientific Cosmology and International Orders shows how scientific ideas have transformed international politics since 1550. Allan argues that cosmological concepts arising from Western science made possible the shift from a sixteenth-century order premised upon divine providence to the present order centred on economic growth. As states and other international associations used scientific ideas to solve problems, they slowly reconfigured ideas about how the world works, humanity's place in the universe, and the meaning of progress. The book demonstrates the rise of scientific ideas across three cases: natural philosophy in balance of power politics, 1550–1815; geology and Darwinism in British colonial policy and international colonial orders, 1860–1950; and cybernetic-systems thinking and economics in the World Bank and American liberal order, 1945–2015. Together, the cases trace the emergence of economic growth as a central end of states from its origins in colonial doctrines of deve