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The promotion of human rights, the punishment of crimes against humanity, the use of force with respect to humanitarian intervention: these are some of the complex issues facing governments in recent years. The contributors to this book offer a theoretical and empirical approach to these issues. Three leading normative theorists first explore what an 'ethical foreign policy' means. Four contributors then look at potential or actual instruments of ethical foreign policy-making: the export of democracy, non-governmental organisations, the International Criminal Court, and bottom-up public pressure on governments. Finally, three case studies examine more closely developments in the foreign policies of the US, the UK, and the European Union, to assess the difficulties raised by the incorporation of ethical considerations into foreign policy.

Edward Keene argues that the conventional idea of an 'anarchical society' of equal and independent sovereign states is an inadequate description of order in modern world politics. International political and legal order has always been dedicated to two distinct goals: to try to promote the toleration of different ways of life, while advocating the adoption of one specific way, that it labels 'civilization'. The nineteenth-century solution to this contradiction was to restrict the promotion of civilization to the world beyond Europe. That discriminatory way of thinking has now broken down, with the result that a single, global order is supposed to apply to everyone, but opinion is still very much divided as to what the ultimate purpose of this global order should be, and how its political and legal structure should be organised.

Edward Keene argues that the conventional idea of an 'anarchical society' of equal and independent sovereign states is an inadequate description of order in modern world politics. International political and legal order has always been dedicated to two distinct goals: to try to promote the toleration of different ways of life, while advocating the adoption of one specific way, that it labels 'civilization'. The nineteenth-century solution to this contradiction was to restrict the promotion of civilization to the world beyond Europe. That discriminatory way of thinking has now broken down, with the result that a single, global order is supposed to apply to everyone, but opinion is still very much divided as to what the ultimate purpose of this global order should be, and how its political and legal structure should be organised.

The promotion of human rights, the punishment of crimes against humanity, the use of force with respect to humanitarian intervention: these are some of the complex issues facing governments in recent years. The contributors to this book offer a theoretical and empirical approach to these issues. Three leading normative theorists first explore what an 'ethical foreign policy' means. Four contributors then look at potential or actual instruments of ethical foreign policy-making: the export of democracy, non-governmental organisations, the International Criminal Court, and bottom-up public pressure on governments. Finally, three case studies examine more closely developments in the foreign policies of the US, the UK, and the European Union, to assess the difficulties raised by the incorporation of ethical considerations into foreign policy.

Within the growing literature on China's international behaviour, China's Middle Eastern policy has been somewhat neglected and misinterpreted. It has been assumed that the Middle East played a rather marginal role in Chinese strategic calculations; yet at times the Chinese have been portrayed as a disruptive and subversive force in this area. This volume attempts to correct both views by providing a comprehensive analysis of China's Middle Eastern policy. It argues that the Chinese were indeed unable or unwilling to become involved in the Middle East, let alone to threaten it. However, in their view, this area has always been strategically important as a key battleground for the struggle between the superpowers, the outcome of which could have serious implications for the security of China as well as for the rest of the world.

How can the government of the People's Republic of China with its claim to absolute sovereignty be reconciled with the spiritual authority of the Catholic Church? In this study of the subject, Dr Beatrice Leung analyses the interactions between China and the Holy See from 1976 to 1986. Dr Leung examines the historic relationship between the Catholic Church and China both prior to 1949 and from 1949 to 1976. Using a wide range of Chinese language sources as well as interviews, she then analyses the major problems between these two institutions as they tried to establish a dialogue for future reconciliation. These include the need for the Vatican to transfer its recognition of China from Taiwan to Beijing; the role of the Pope with his spiritual leadership of the Chinese; and the handling of the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association.

This is a comprehensive analysis of J. A. Hobson's writings on international relations. Hobson is most famous for developing the neo-Marxist theory of imperialism, but in this book David Long argues that Hobson was also a key figure in the history of liberalism. He shifted liberal international theory away from its laissez-faire origins towards a focus on international organization, making him a forerunner of the functional approach in international relations. The book outlines the philosophical outlook and political economy which informed Hobson's theory, and challenges the narrow interpretation of imperialism which has dominated international relations. Setting out the sources of and contradictions within Hobson's proposals for international government, this book is a contribution not only to the study of international relations, but also to the history of political thought and British liberalism.

At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. Its central feature would be international intervention, not merely to deter or repel aggression across frontiers, but to protect the victims of civil conflicts within states. These hopes remain largely unfulfilled. This book contributes to our understanding of this failure by examining the three major post-Cold War operations in which the UN has been involved. Each presented the international community with a different challenge: in Cambodia it was to implement a previously negotiated political agreement; in former Yugoslavia to devise a credible division of labour and authority between the UN and the European Union; and in Somalia to mount a humanitarian mission in a country without a government. Each chapter is accompanied by a chronology of events and a selection of relevant UN documents.

It has long been argued that Baldwin's second government, especially the Foreign Office led by Austen Chamberlain, was to blame for the deterioration in Anglo-American relations in 1927–9. This book argues that Austen Chamberlain, by suggesting a reduction in maritime belligerent rights, consistently worked for an improvement in relations and found the means for a settlement in 1929, though Labour's success in the general election caused the credit to go to others and Chamberlain's reputation remained tarnished. While the earlier view was based mainly on the memoirs of contemporary critics, Dr McKercher bases his analysis on a wide range of public and private archival material.

At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. Its central feature would be international intervention, not merely to deter or repel aggression across frontiers, but to protect the victims of civil conflicts within states. These hopes remain largely unfulfilled. This book contributes to our understanding of this failure by examining the three major post-Cold War operations in which the UN has been involved. Each presented the international community with a different challenge: in Cambodia it was to implement a previously negotiated political agreement; in former Yugoslavia to devise a credible division of labour and authority between the UN and the European Union; and in Somalia to mount a humanitarian mission in a country without a government. Each chapter is accompanied by a chronology of events and a selection of relevant UN documents.

After years of paralysis, the 1990s saw an explosion in the number of United Nations field operations around the world. In terms of scope and level of ambition, these interventions went beyond the tried and tested principles of classical UN peacekeeping. Indeed, in some cases - such as Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the form of quasi-protectorates designed to steer war-torn and deeply divided societies towards lasting peace. This book examines the UN's performance and assesses the wider impact of 'new interventionism' on international order and the study of international relations. Featuring eight case studies of major UN interventions and an introductory chapter outlining the most important theoretical and political features of the international system which have led to the increased interventionary practices of the UN, this book will appeal to students and researchers in international relations and international organizations.

A comprehensive and systematic account of the ways in which Marx and Engels and their immediate followers made use of the conception of ideology.

Although many volumes have been written on the Nixon–Kissinger foreign policy, this book provides the first sustained treatment of the Nixon Doctrine. Enunciated by President Nixon in July 1969, the Nixon Doctrine established the basis not only for the subsequent American withdrawal from Vietnam, but also, more broadly, for US security policy towards the Third World. Along with US–Soviet detente, it stood as one of the two central elements of the Nixon–Kissinger diplomatic strategy.

It has long been argued that Baldwin's second government, especially the Foreign Office led by Austen Chamberlain, was to blame for the deterioration in Anglo-American relations in 1927–9. This book argues that Austen Chamberlain, by suggesting a reduction in maritime belligerent rights, consistently worked for an improvement in relations and found the means for a settlement in 1929, though Labour's success in the general election caused the credit to go to others and Chamberlain's reputation remained tarnished. While the earlier view was based mainly on the memoirs of contemporary critics, Dr McKercher bases his analysis on a wide range of public and private archival material.

Although Parliament is the principal source of authority in the British political system, it is the Cabinet which stands at the pinnacle of government. Yet what actually happens at Cabinet meetings? How are decisions made, particularly in the arena of foreign policy? Such questions have hitherto been largely overlooked by both historians and political scientists. In this book, Dr Christopher Hill presents a detailed case-study of the British government and foreign policy, during the dramatic period from the Munich Conference of 1938 to the German invasion of the Soviet Union three years later. Using extensive archival material, he examines how far the strong personalities of Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill respectively were really able to dominate their Cabinets in an area of policy where Prime Ministers have traditionally been supposed to exercise considerable freedom. This analysis concentrates on six decisions that were of key importance in committing Britain to the war

After years of paralysis, the 1990s saw an explosion in the number of United Nations field operations around the world. In terms of scope and level of ambition, these interventions went beyond the tried and tested principles of classical UN peacekeeping. Indeed, in some cases - such as Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the form of quasi-protectorates designed to steer war-torn and deeply divided societies towards lasting peace. This book examines the UN's performance and assesses the wider impact of 'new interventionism' on international order and the study of international relations. Featuring eight case studies of major UN interventions and an introductory chapter outlining the most important theoretical and political features of the international system which have led to the increased interventionary practices of the UN, this book will appeal to students and researchers in international relations and international organizations.

Although Parliament is the principal source of authority in the British political system, it is the Cabinet which stands at the pinnacle of government. Yet what actually happens at Cabinet meetings? How are decisions made, particularly in the arena of foreign policy? Such questions have hitherto been largely overlooked by both historians and political scientists. In this book, Dr Christopher Hill presents a detailed case-study of the British government and foreign policy, during the dramatic period from the Munich Conference of 1938 to the German invasion of the Soviet Union three years later. Using extensive archival material, he examines how far the strong personalities of Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill respectively were really able to dominate their Cabinets in an area of policy where Prime Ministers have traditionally been supposed to exercise considerable freedom. This analysis concentrates on six decisions that were of key importance in committing Britain to the war

Israel's political allegiance to the West is unquestioned. In the early years after 1948, however, the direction of Israel's foreign policy remained uncertain. In this important book Dr Bialer describes the internal debates within the Israeli political parties, and particularly the highly ideological labour movement, on the choices between pro-Soviet, pro-Western or non-aligned foreign policies. Making use of declassified documents, the author has carried out extensive research in the State Archives and other archives, and his account is based overwhelmingly on primary sources. This book examines the ideological components of these debates as well as the more material motivation factors, such as dependence on US aid, trade links with the Soviet bloc, the reliance on Czech arms supplies and the degree of freedom allowed to the Soviet and East European Jewish communities to emigrate to Israel. Dr Bialer concludes that there was no alternative strategy for Israel to adopt; the tilt